Monday, November 14, 2016

Dinesh Kamath's Editorial 'Nuclear cooperation agreement between India and Japan' that was published in Newsband

Nuclear cooperation agreement between India and Japan
When India conducted its nuclear tests in 1998, Japan put all political exchanges with India on hold, froze aid and announced economic sanctions within hours. In 2001, sanctions were lifted. And then, in 2009, the two countries began an annual strategic dialogue.
There was nuclear cooperation agreement in Tokyo during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit. This is Japan’s first nuclear deal. Japan now recognises India’s exemplary record in nuclear prudence. It is indeed a much-needed moral boost as New Delhi strives for membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).
China has been hedging against deeper Japan-India ties in Asia by investing in its relationship with Russia and Pakistan. As the two Asian rivals to China, India and Japan might need the partnership even more in the days to come, as the U.S. President-elect seems to be not interested in “playing policeman” in the region.
The India-Japan relationship might be prove a milestone in developing Nuclear project. This relationship is also important for India in the way of getting NSG membership. Signing of this agreement between India and Japan is the clear indication of increasing India's stature at international level. But India cannot agree to any clause that seeks to constrain its nuclear strategy or tests.  India must show that unless the nuclear powers walk the talk on de-nuclearlisation, they have no moral ground on which they can ask others to stay away from nuclear weapons.
Japan’s positive approach towards nuclear co-operation with India will be helpful if the efforts are directed towards peaceful use. But, the present conditions point otherwise. Even women of Japan have advised the Indian PM to review in the light of Fukushima disaster. The appeals of the affected persons in Japan should be taken into account before taking further steps on the offer. Environment problems must be kept in view.
The India-Japan relationship has come a long way since the Shakti-II tests of 1998. The Japanese reaction in May 1998 was knee-jerk without understanding the ground realities. The 'violent rise' of China, the realization of the inevitability of a nuclear-weaponised India, the changing dynamics between India and the US, the rapidly deteriorating Sino-Japanese relationship, the size of the expanding Indian economy and probably a sober analysis of the geopoloitical & geostrategic situation by the Japanese have all played their role in the massive turnaround. The basic template of the agreement is the same as that between India and the US with an additional 'Note' that registers the views of the two nations. Japan itself has given up its military pacifism lately. There are voices there that Japan must also possess n-weapons in view of a rampaging China and its cat's paw North Korea. Japan possesses a large stockpile of Plutonium too. Japan's moral high ground is quite weak these days.
The nuclear deal with Japan will be fruitful on constructive lines like developing nuclear power projects and Japan will cooperate with full vigour when India operates the deal within the frame. Even the slightest deviation from the agreement will lead to cancellation. Japan’s generosity to have nuclear deal with non NPT member country ought to be cherished in the right perspective and it may increase India's viability to enter NSG.

Japan has been a vociferous and solid supporter of India's entry into NSG even without the nuclear deal. It is China and China alone (though there are a few countries like New Zealand who have some quibble or the other but who can be turned around) that is stopping us from getting our much deserved membership there. If NSG agrees to admit Pakistan, China will relent immediately throwing to the winds all its 'principled opposition'. The chess game on the NSG board is not built by China on any principles except self-preservation.

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